The Silence Over A Potential Chinese Spy In Feinstein’s Office Is Deafening

With concerns over attempts by foreign adversaries to influence the American political system at a fever pitch — notwithstanding that in the case of the president, the commentariat’s charges of certain treasonous Russian collusion have grudgingly been downgraded in slightly more sane quarters to dubious alleged campaign finance infractions — that the story of a Chinese spy in Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s office has seemingly died is simply stunning.

From the start, this was a story the media had no interest in covering. Now it is apparent that our political class has no interest in probing it.

The reporting on Feinstein was limited to a few outlets — ignored by large newspaperssuch as The New York Times, The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times, and major networks, excluding Fox News, which provided scant details as to what transpired and downplayed the potentially dire ramifications of the alleged breach.

The press took at face value boilerplate statements from Feinstein’s office seeking to dispel any suggestion that the Chinese had penetrated her office, with nary a question directed at the senator herself as she enjoyed her tranquil August recess.

The reporting also universally ignored, and thus concealed, the critical context that with even the smallest modicum of curiosity an observer would have unearthed regarding the fact that the alleged Chinese spy in her office was part of a much broader Feinstein-China mosaic.

Namely, reporters omitted that:

• Feinstein had cultivated a deep, longstanding, chummy relationship with China, including at the highest ranks of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), over a 40-year period. Or, perhaps, it was the other way around. Such ties dated back at least to the opening of a sister-city relationship between San Francisco and Shanghai, when then-Mayor Feinstein commenced a long friendship with her counterpart Mayor Jiang Zemin. Zemin would later rise to be the Xi Jinping of his day, sitting atop the CCP, and reportedly wining and dining Feinstein and her husband in unprecedented fashion at the residence of Mao Zedong. Zemin rose in tandem with Feinstein, who as U.S. senator would serve as a conduit to his government during the Clinton White House. The two remained close in spite of Zemin’s Marxist ideology and brutality in persecuting the dissident Falun Gong, among others.
• Feinstein doggedly lobbied for integrating China into the global economic architecture and normalizing trade relations with the U.S., untethering these benefits from Chinese human rights improvements. Feinstein thereby served as an invaluable asset in enabling China’s economic rise. The senator also frequently served as a dovish liaison to the Chinese government over contentious matters of foreign affairs. She took these positions all while repeatedly whitewashing China’s aforementioned human rights abuses, and seeking to draw shameful moral equivalency between Communist bloodshed and violent episodes in American history.
• Feinstein’s husband, investor Richard Blum, who, a la the Mao Zedong residence meal, frequently accompanied the senator to functions with high-ranking Chinese dignitaries, profited from both direct investments in China and those that appreciated alongside the rapid growth of the Chinese economy. China’s economic growth, and Blum’s profits, were both tied to America’s efforts to incorporate Beijing into the world trading system, and grant it access to U.S. consumers, businesses and technology — all staunchly supported by Feinstein.

Our story merely dug into the basic, public details of certain aspects of this history. An investigator, or even just an enterprising journalist, could surely discover far more worth scrutinizing.

Meanwhile, did it concern anyone that the alleged spy himself, Russell Lowe — a name you also will not find in the mainstream press, or see on television — is seemingly gallivanting freely in California, working for a non-profit outfit dedicated to the issue of “comfort women?”

This would surely please the CCP, who have engaged in a concerted campaign to leverage this issue as part of its anti-Japanese propaganda effort for years.

Was it too much of an effort to dig into the individual’s decades-long leftist, pro-China ties, and ask how this background might have impacted him in his position as “office director” and liaison to the Asian community in Feinstein’s office, his relationship with the senator and his interactions with Chinese officials including those in the its Ministry of State Security?

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